The fragmented political landscape of the DRC

July 16, 2024

The DRC has a deeply fragmented political landscape characterized by numerous political parties and armed groups - a legacy of decades of conflict and colonization. This fragmentation is rooted in the country's ethnic diversity and the lack of a strong central authority and institutions.

While the political scene is dominated by a few major parties, these parties often struggle to maintain control beyond urban centers. In rural areas, local chieftains and militias wield significant power, often forming alliances with politicians for mutual benefit. Analysts estimate that this multipartyism has not had a positive impact on the security situation and peace in the country. The decentralization of power is compounded by the state's limited capacity to enforce laws across its large and often inaccessible territory.

DRC political parties

There are over 910 officially registered political parties in the DRC, a record number since the introduction of multipartyism. Among these 910 parties, more than 500 belong to the Union sacrée pour la nation (Sacred Union for the Nation, USN), the electoral platform of president Félix Tshisekedi.


Many of those political formations are small and their agenda often is built in support of the ruling UDPS party. At the moment, there are at least 31 such micro-parties in the DRC that can be categorized as "Tshisekedi-affiliated".


Such a party is the Alternative Action for the Love of Congo (4AC), which according to its manifesto aims to support prime minister Judith Suminwa, a member of UDPS and an ally of Tshisekedi’s, in forming an effective and responsive government that meets the expectations of the Congolese. Interestingly, 4AC was the only party to elect representatives in the Lubumbashi commune of Kenya.

Parties and platforms

In the DRC, it is common for parties to gather under numerous platforms and coalitions. For example, the Pact for a Restored Congo (Pacte pour un Congo Retrouvé - PCR) is a relatively new political platform created on January 23, 2024. The PCR brings together several political parties that are members of Tshisekedi’s Sacred Union: the Alliance of Allies of the UNC of Vital Kamerhe, the AAAP of Tony Kanku, the Bloc 50 Alliance of Julien Paluku and the Coalition of Democrats (CODE) of Jean-Lucien Busa. In total, the PCR has more than 230 national and provincial deputies. PCR aims to strengthen cohesion within the political family of Félix Tshisekedi and his ruling coalition.


In December 2021, another platform had been created under the name Horizon 2023 to rally for Tshisekedi’s re-election, bringing together 26 political parties, 67 associations and many public figures. It never joined the Sacred Union and claimed to serve the purpose of a more ‘homogenous’ political majority.


During the 2023 election, the opposition also gathered under the anti-Tshisekedi front. Four opposition leaders - Martin Fayulu, Moïse Katumbi, Augustin Matata Ponyo and Delly Sesanga - met in Lubumbashi to "unite their ideas and forces" and campaign for a transparent and peaceful election.

Local conflicts and political movements

Also, historically, some of the armed groups that participated in local conflicts transitioned into political movements, adding another layer of complexity to the national political landscape.

The Congolese Rally for Democracy (CRD), for example, active mainly in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces, was formed by Congolese Tutsi refugees and Rwandan political exiles. After the signing of the 2003 peace agreement, the RCD was integrated into the DRC's transitional government, but factions of the group continued to fight under the M23. Another similar group that participated in the transitional government in 2009 was the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). These are political elements that still influence regional politics in the DRC.


For deeper insights on the current elected politicians in the DRC as of December 2023, you can follow Evidencity's work on our Lubumbashi-focused Local PEP check unique dataset here.

Evidencity conducts in-house research on TruthSeeker, researching companies and individuals of global economic interest.

Hidden links in the global steel supply chain

July 29, 2025
Steel is the backbone of modern infrastructure, but behind its strength lies a sad truth: the raw materials that feed the global steel industry are often extracted and processed in conditions that exploit the most vulnerable.

Labor exploitation in EU agriculture: A persistent challenge

July 22, 2025
In July 2025, a French court in Châlons-en-Champagne delivered a landmark ruling in a case that drew attention far beyond the borders of France. Three employees of a labor-supply firm called Anavim were convicted of human trafficking in connection with the exploitation of dozens of seasonal workers.

Tracing the threads: Forced labor in cotton supply chains

July 15, 2025
Forced labor in the cotton supply chain has emerged as a major compliance and reputational risk for global companies since 2020. Investigations and regulatory actions have exposed serious abuses in cotton cultivation, yarn and textile production, and garment manufacturing. The issue is no longer confined to isolated regions or factories — it is systemic, spanning countries and processes, and has triggered new legal liabilities, customs enforcement, and supplier scrutiny. High-risk regions Forced labor risks begin at the very first stage of cotton production. In China’s Xinjiang region, which supplies around 20% of the world’s cotton , evidence shows that Uyghur and other minority citizens have been subjected to coercive state-run labor transfers, including picking cotton and working in ginning and textile facilities. Entities such as the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) have been sanctioned by the U.S. for using prison labor in cotton farming and processing. In India , forced labor risks are most pronounced in the spinning stage. In Tamil Nadu, a 2021 investigation by SOMO and Arisa uncovered that dozens of spinning mills employed young migrant women in coercive conditions, including excessive overtime, wage withholding, and confinement in dormitories. Brands including Tesco, Next, Gap, IKEA, Carrefour, and Zeeman were linked to these mills. Tesco and Next acknowledged the problem and committed to remediation efforts. Others denied direct sourcing but could not fully rule out indirect connections.
More Posts